1987年的巫统党选被视为国内最具争议的党选。诽谤、不公、肮脏等字眼被用于形容这场选举,当时马哈迪面对著来自东姑拉沙里的严峻挑战。

马哈迪最终只以43张多数票胜出。但是一些参与者声称东姑拉沙里本应是胜利者,但遭一个对马哈迪有利的制度打败。之后11名巫统党员,基于支部的合法性入禀高庭,挑战选举成绩,导致法庭裁定巫统是一个非法组织。后来,更引发了1988年的宪法危机。

30年后,我们看到另一场涉及执政党,充满争议的党选。公正党署理主席竞选已成为党内分裂的选举。这场由拿督斯里阿兹敏对阵拉菲兹的选举,如果引用政治权威人士所言,这是一场马哈迪与其首选接班人拿督斯里安华的代理战。

投票过程充满争议

金钱、政治庇护和篡改选票(听起来很熟悉吧?)被视为左右这场署理主席选举的因素,这也有利于阿兹敏。最终,阿兹敏取得51%的选票,仅以2%的优势胜出。这显示该党在署理主席人选上面对分裂。

根据公正党青年团团长阿克玛指出,在署理主席投票中,有40个区部的1万1422选票不见了。这些选票中,有8926张选票是来自沙巴和雪兰莪的17个区部,这些区部选情是非常激烈。此外,砂拉越的如楼区部也在6月26日一天内,党员从603增加到1万3000人。其他一些选举制度倾向某人问题的指控,包括党员发现系统上没有名字,以及声称在投票中心没有给予足够时间,让党员投票。这也导致了一些区部选举时出现冲突场面。

针对拉菲兹指控电子投票系统遭入侵而数据被篡改,来自美国的手机应用程序公司,否认有关指责,并称该应用程序基本上是万无一失的,并没法用编程来篡改选举过程,无论如何,在如楼的选举中,电子投票系统的确遭到入侵。

阿兹敏基于拥有庞大的资源,似乎占了上风,并且普遍上也认为他从创党开始就与党同在,更有资格出任署理主席。加上他曾是雪州大臣和现任经济事务部长。

拉菲兹则扮演著带动社会的角色,特别通过其创办的民调机构,带动青年登记为选民,并在5月9日大选时出来投票。在希盟执政初期,他在公开场合批评党同侪和马哈迪的领导,也令当权者不悦。然而,对于群众而言,这有助于让其看似敢怒敢言的人。诚实而苛刻,似乎是拉菲兹的卖点。

当然,如果你被视为公正党第一家庭的“蓝眼男孩”,对选情是有利的。在安华的最后一次监禁期间,拉菲兹经常前往探监,为安华汇报局势的发展。

改成同时进行投票

现在,人们正观望会否有党员把选党成绩带上法庭,因这意味著作为希盟执政联盟内最大成员党,将陷入纠纷。对任何当选者的合法性质疑,多少都会影响其在政府的位置。

公正党主席及候任首相,安华在党选中处理得很好,避免任何偏袒的指控。他还把阿兹敏和拉菲兹拉在一起,向党员发出讯息,两者都是他的侧翼,选举完后,落败一方都应归队,继续完成对人民的承诺。

相对于阿兹敏在党选委会还没正式公布成绩前,自行宣布胜利,拉菲兹的表现似乎徘徊在顺从与超然之间。

拉菲兹在推特上回应凯里(前巫青团团长)时说:“无论结果如何,我们都按照自己的规则和良心行事”,但随后他指如楼区部的选举官是阿兹敏的人,并篡改了选举系统。

但他说,如今他愿意为了(党)更大的利益而妥协。然而,警方和反贪会已因有人投报而介入调查。一旦当局完成调查后,其带来的馀波肯定令人震撼。

虽然在这场激烈的竞选后,阿兹敏和拉菲兹都有义务修补党内的分裂,但重要的是,他们在竞选期间,确保支持者克制,确保党及希盟其他成员党能继续执行管理这个国家的事务。

无论如何,检讨公正党党选繁琐复杂的选举过程,是合适的,尤其这场消耗两个多月的时间才能完成的选举。这意味著两个多月的激烈政治斗争、互相指控、金钱政治和狂躁不安。同时,通过手机应用程序的电子投票系统,也无法令80万名有资格投票的党员满意。

其中一项可以考虑的是,改变现有逐个区部投票的情况,改以同时进行投票。或者,用回已经过无数验证的,传统“纸质”投票方式可能是一个更好的选择,尽管这可要花费400万令吉。

如果公正党在经过20年的斗争并最终入主布城后,却因内部权力斗争所摧毁,这将是一场悲剧和讽刺,也有愧于其“烈火莫熄”称号。公正党历史显示,最大的敌人来自本身。如今它必须证明,其已经成熟并且不会因琐碎的政治斗争而陷入困境,并对马来西亚人民,带来附带性伤害。

《公正党党选影响深远》原文(Party polls fallout have far reaching consequences):

THE UMNO presidential elections of 1987 is regarded by many as the most controversial party polls this country has ever seen. ¨Scandalous〃; ¨lopsided〃 and even ¨dirty〃 were some of the words used to describe the elections that saw Dr Mahathir Mohamad face his toughest political challenge from Tengku Razaleigh Hamzah.

Dr Mahathir persevered but barely  garnering a majority of only 43 votes. But those who were present during the course of the elections claimed Tengku Razaleigh should have won but was defeated by a system that favoured Mahathir. 

The High Court seemed to agree and in responding to a petition brought by 11 UMNO members to challenge the results, ruled that UMNO was an illegal body due to election irregularities concerning a branch. This later sparked the Constitutional crisis of 1988.

Fast forward 30 years, we are seeing another contentious contest involving a ruling party.

The PKR deputy presidential contest will go down as the most divisive election within the party. It pitted Datuk Seri Azmin Ali against Rafizi Ramli. But by extension if the political pundits are to be cited, a proxy battle between Mahathirˇs preferred successor as prime minister and Datuk Seri Anwar Ibrahimˇs man.

Money, patronage and ballot tampering (sounds familiar?) were seen as the main deciders of the deputy presidential polls which is expected to favour Azmin.

Azmin pushed ahead only by 2%-  marshalling 51% of the votes. An indication that the party is split down the middle when it comes to their choice of Number Two.

According to PKR Youth chief Akmal Nasrullah Mohd Nasir 11,422 votes involving 40 divisions for the deputy presidentˇs contest have gone missing. Of this number, 8,926 ballots involved 17 divisions in Sabah and Selangor which saw some of the tightest races.

Meanwhile, on June 26, Sarawakˇs Julau division saw its membership surge within a day from 603 to 13,000.

Other occurrences that compounded the allegations of an electoral system that is fixed to favour one candidate include members who discovered they are not registered on the system as well as members who claim there was insufficient time accorded to them at polling centres. This also resulted in some skirmishes.

In response to Rafiziˇs allegations of data tampering, US-based software company whose app Prey was blamed for wiping out data on devices denied liability, saying the app was essentially fool-proof and not programmed to tamper with the electoral process  although it has been established that tablets used for e-voting in Julau had been tampered with.

Azmin, it seemed always had the upper hand due to his large ¨war chest〃, and the general consensus that he is more qualified to be deputy president due to his long association with the party during its inception.

There is also the added benefit of having been Selangor Mentri Besar and the current Economic Affairs Minister.
Rafizi meanwhile has been instrumental in galvanizing the public, especially the youth to register as voters and to come out and vote in the May 9 General Election through his Invoke movement. 

His public scolding of his PKR colleagues and Dr. Mahathirˇs leadership during the early days of the Pakatan Harapan (PH) Cabinet had not gone down well with those in power. However, to the masses, it serves to depict a man who will have no qualms over calling a spade a spade. Honesty, albeit brutal, seems to be Rafiziˇs attraction.
Of course, it helps if you are also perceived as the ¨blue-eyed boy〃 of PKRˇs First Family.

During Anwarˇs last incarceration, Rafizi was a constant visitor to the Bamboo River Resort providing the former with valuable insight into what is happening on the ground beyond the prison bars.

Now one waits with bated breath for members to challenge the results in Court as this would mean unfinished business for a party that is now part of the administration and holds the largest number of seats in the PH coalition in Parliament.

Any question as to the validity of an elected party representative will raise questions as to his or her position in government.

Anwar, the president-elect of PKR and the prime minister in waiting has done well in steering clear from any allegations of favouritism. He also brought Azmin and Rafizi together to the front cameras to send a message to members and the two men flanking him that once the dust has settled, one should close ranks and proceed to fulfil the mandate to the people.

While Azmin has been eager  pre-empting the official announcement by the central election committee in declaring victory  Rafizi is hovering between reconciliation and detachment.
He had tweeted Khairy Jamaluddin: ¨Whatever the outcome, we have played by our own rules and dictated by our conscience〃  but then accused an electoral official in Julau of being ¨Azminˇs man〃 and tampering with the system.

But now he has conceded for the greater good, he says.

Yet, both the police and the Malaysian Anti-Corruption Commission have now been dragged in as reports have been made. One shudders to think about the aftermath following the completion of investigations and the findings of the authorities. 

While it is incumbent on both Azmin and Rafizi to mend ties after this bitter and close contest, it is crucial that they also control their supporters and ensure that the party moves on to the business of governing this nation that PKR and their partners have been entrusted with.

It would not be out of place to review PKRˇs cumbersome and complex electoral process which takes over two months to complete. This means over two months of intense politicking, back-biting, money politics and distractions.

The e-voting system via app has not gone down well with many of the 800,000 members who are eligible to vote.

Simultaneous voting instead of the current division-by-division according to state that takes time could be considered. Reverting to the tried and tested paper balloting could be a better option although it costs the party RM4 million to do so.

It would be a tragedy and travesty if after a 20-year struggle and finally attaining the prize of Putrajaya, PKR is destroyed by internal power struggles that seem endemic to the party that, perhaps to a fault, champions ¨Reformasi〃.

PKR has demonstrated previously that it is its own worst enemy. Now it has to prove that it has matured and will not be bogged down by petty politics as this time around there will be collateral damage  the Malaysian people.

Terence Fernandez

资深媒体人,曾在多家英文媒体任职,以调查报导获奖无数。